Sometimes They Lit the Match

There’s a lot of noise right now about Iran, war, terrorism, and who is responsible for what. Depending on who you listen to, Iran is either the mastermind behind every conflict in the Middle East… or just another country reacting to events outside its control. Like most things in geopolitics, the truth usually sits somewhere in the uncomfortable middle.

From my perspective — and from the perspective of a lot of people who have actually worn the uniform and seen the consequences up close — Iran has been a recurring problem. Not always the original spark. Not always the main enemy standing directly across the battlefield. But very often a force that made dangerous situations worse.

The analogy I keep coming back to is simple:

Sometimes they lit the match.
Sometimes they showed up with gasoline.
And sometimes they just made damn sure the fire department had a flat tire.

That’s not meant as a slogan. It’s meant as a way to understand how modern indirect warfare actually works.

Iran learned long ago that it couldn’t win a conventional war against the United States. So instead of relying on tanks and fighter jets, it invested heavily in influence, proxies, deniability, and patience. Over time, it developed a strategy built around operating in the gray zone — the space between peace and open war.

In Lebanon, Iranian backing helped build Hezbollah into a powerful militia and political force. In Iraq, after the fall of Saddam Hussein created a massive power vacuum, support flowed to various Shiite militias that fought coalition forces and rival factions. In Syria, Iran intervened to preserve an allied regime and maintain a strategic foothold. In Yemen, Iranian support has strengthened the capabilities of Houthi fighters and added pressure on regional shipping lanes and stability.

None of those conflicts were created by Iran alone. Each had its own history, its own grievances, and its own local actors. But Iran repeatedly found ways to insert itself into chaos. Sometimes to defend its own security interests. Sometimes to expand influence. Sometimes simply to raise the cost of American involvement until continued engagement became politically harder to justify.

That doesn’t mean every roadside bomb or insurgent attack can be traced directly back to Tehran. Wars are messy. Sunni extremist movements, tribal rivalries, sectarian politics, corruption, and foreign interventions from multiple countries have all shaped the conflicts of the past few decades.

But it also doesn’t mean Iran’s role was minor.

In Iraq, particularly during the height of the insurgency, there is strong evidence that Iranian-backed networks supplied training, funding, and specialized weapons that increased the lethality of attacks against U.S. forces. For the men and women on the ground, that wasn’t an abstract policy discussion. It was a daily reality.

The broader strategic pattern is what matters. Iran rarely starts the fight. But when instability erupts — when governments collapse, civil wars ignite, or foreign interventions disrupt fragile systems — Iran has consistently shown a willingness to move quickly and shape the outcome.

That approach reflects a long-term mindset. Iranian leadership tends to think in decades, not election cycles. They are willing to absorb sanctions, take incremental gains, and accept temporary setbacks if it means gradually improving their strategic position. They don’t always win outright. But they often succeed in preventing their adversaries from achieving clean, decisive victories.

This is where the debate becomes more nuanced. Some argue that eliminating Iran as a destabilizing actor would solve many long-term security problems in the region. There is some truth in that. Removing a major sponsor of proxy warfare would likely reduce one significant source of violence and friction.

At the same time, it would not magically stabilize the Middle East. Ethnic tensions, sectarian divides, weak governance, economic instability, and lack of upward mobility would still exist. History has shown that power vacuums can produce outcomes that are even harder to manage than the regimes that preceded them.

The real challenge is not simply identifying villains or heroes. It is understanding systems — understanding incentives, long-term strategy, and how states pursue survival in a hostile environment.

Geopolitics is rarely a story of clear good guys and bad guys. More often, it is a story of competing fears, ambitions, and survival instincts playing out over generations.

But one lesson from the past several decades is difficult to ignore:

When instability spreads, Iran has often been there —
sometimes with a match,
sometimes with gasoline,
and sometimes quietly making sure the people trying to put out the fire never quite arrive on time.

Space Force: The not so new frontier

Space Force is not a new idea. Everyone act as though President Trump just came up with the idea. JFK wanted space dominance. He set out to put a man on the moon. Russia ended up beating us into space but we put the first man on the Moon.

In light of technology advancements, Russia China and America are in competition for space dominance. Former President Ronald Reagan had to program that became known as Star Wars. Nothing ever came of the Star Wars program and America fell behind in space dominance.

https://youtu.be/4hGLBA65tZg

 

While we declined to move forward with space defense initiatives, while Russia and China moved forward. It is suspected at this time Russia and China could take out our satellite communications which would be of severe detriment to our Ground and Air Forces. We could lose ground guidance, communication, and many other abilities. The military under President Trump has been working to harden our defenses against these threats. He recognizes the shortcomings and has once again put a priority on Space defense and wants to become the globally dominant country in space.

The proposed idea would be to split off the space defense personal, currently called space command, from the Air Force to create a new branch of the military called Space Force. The space department of the Air Force historically has had its budget stripped from them due to competing Air Force needs. Separating space force into their own branch would ensure that the funds needed for Space Force are available to Space Force with a minimal overhead cost.
Space Force is not a new idea. It is needed for the future of our national security against agents like Russia and China who have gained technologically and are likely superior to us in space at this time. It is urgent that we support a space force program.
Liberals tend to be against Space Force because they have fallen for the narrative that President Trump came up with it and they need to resist everything that President Trump does. This is not true. This issue goes back to JFK and likely before.

 

And I looked, and rose up, and said unto the nobles, and to the rulers, and to the rest of the people, Be not ye afraid of them: remember the Lord, which is great and terrible, and fight for your brethren, your sons, and your daughters, your wives, and your houses.

-Nehemiah 4:14 King James Version (KJV)